In the three decades prior to the recent economic downturn, wage gaps widened and household income inequality increased in a large majority of OECD countries. [...]Launching the report in Paris, OECD Secretary-General Angel Gurría said “The social contract is starting to unravel in many countries. This study dispels the assumptions that the benefits of economic growth will automatically trickle down to the disadvantaged and that greater inequality fosters greater social mobility. Without a comprehensive strategy for inclusive growth, inequality will continue to rise.”Links to Overview [.pdf]; press release; notes [.pdf format] for Australia, Canada, the UK, the USA; data link (excel format).
... since the mid-1990s ... In most cases, out-of-work income as a proportion of in-work income has fallen, in part due to allowance rates failing to keep pace with wage growth. Only lone parents, whose income support is tied to an average earnings measure and who benefitted from more generous family benefits, were excepted.This is a little complicated. Since 1997, a number of wage-replacement payments have been linked to a portion of the Male Full Time Average Weekly Earnings (MTAWE), which is the "average earnings measure" mentioned above. More correctly, the pension rate which you access through a variety of payments (Disability, Age, Parenting Payment, a few others) is twice a year first indexed to CPI, then if the amount is still less than a portion of MTAWE, further increased. Interestingly enough, the Family Tax Benefit Part A and B (family payments) were also indexed to MTAWE until the 2009-10 Budget.
The OECD underlines the need for governments to review their tax systems to ensure that wealthier individuals contribute their fair share of the tax burden. This can be achieved by raising marginal tax rates on the rich but also improving tax compliance, eliminating tax deductions, and reassessing the role of taxes in all forms of property and wealth, the report says.That sounds great, but how are all those reforms supposed to be implemented together? The higher taxes are on the rich, the more incentive the rich have to come up with ways to avoid paying taxes. So anyone hoping to impose a much heavier tax burden on the rich while "also improving tax compliance" would seem to have an uphill battle.
In the three decades prior to the recent economic downturn, wage gaps widened and household income inequality increased in a large majority of OECD countries. ... This study dispels the assumptions that the benefits of economic growth will automatically trickle down to the disadvantaged and that greater inequality fosters greater social mobility.Increasing income inequality does not inherently mean the poor are worse off. It just means the gap between the rich and poor is wider. That could mean everyone's situation improved, and the rich's situation happen to improve the most.
It is useful, therefore, to consider the following concepts...Box 1 outlines how they went about the process of getting to the final stage used for comparisons, the household adjusted disposable income inequality measure.* Household market income inequality (including incomes from capital, savings and private transfers).
*Household disposable income inequality (taking into account public cash transfers received and direct taxes paid)
*Household adjusted disposable income inequality (taking into account the values of publicly provided services such as health or education).
* Less than $25,000 - 15 per cent (as in, 15 per cent of the population is in a household that earns less than $25,000 and is covered by employer-based insurance)So clearly the greater the household income, the more likely that household is going to be covered by employer-based insurance. The median US household income is $49,445, so we could restate the above table to look like this:
* $25,000 to $49,999 - 42 per cent
* $50,000 to $74,999 - 64 per cent
* $75,000 and over - 80 per cent.
* Poorest 50 per cent of households covered by employer-provided insurance: 30 per centGranted, these figures are not equivalised household - there are only 130 million people in the bottom 50 per cent of households, as opposed to 175 million in the richest 50 per cent. However, even without equivalising, the very large disparity between the two halves indicate that if we don't count employer-provided insurance in disposable household income, we are understanding the top half of households by far more than we are the bottom half of households.
* Richest 50 per cent of households covered by employer-provided insurance: 75 per cent.
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