Cease all new construction in the settlements, either to build new settlements or to expand existing settlements;
Freeze the planning and construction of new by-pass roads, and cease expropriation and seizure of land for this purpose;
Return to the Palestinian communities all the non-built-up areas within the municipal boundaries of the settlements and the local councils;
Abolish the special planning committees in the settlements, and hence the powers of the local authorities to prepare outline plans and issue building permits;
Cease the policy of providing incentives that encourage Israeli citizens to move to the settlements, and direct the resources to encourage settlers to relocate to areas within the borders of the State of Israel
Ten years after the Irish Republican Army declared its ceasefire, the political future of Northern Ireland looks as far as ever from settlement. The peace process has been on hold since Ulster's devolved assembly was suspended in October 2002. The impasse worsened when last year's assembly elections handed victory to the Democratic Unionist party and Sinn Féin, the more hard-line parties on each side.
Next month, all the parties will gather for talks at Leeds Castle in Kent, under the joint chairmanship of Tony Blair and Bertie Ahern, his Irish counterpart. The obstacles to further progress remain formidable: Ian Paisley's Democratic Unionists refuse to talk to Sinn Féin unless the IRA is disbanded and demand complete renegotiation of the Good Friday agreement. Sinn Féin has failed to complete the decommissioning of republican arms promised under the agreement, insisting that unionists recognise its electoral mandate.
Yet there are reasons for optimism. The most important is that there is no sign of backsliding on the ceasefire - in fact, a return to hostilities seems almost unthinkable. Sufficient progress has been made for neither side to be ready to countenance a return to the violence of the Troubles.
Life in the province is far from normal, as the continuing low-level sectarian conflict shows. Protestants are still being driven out of Catholic areas, Catholics are still leaving Protestant areas. None of this improves the chances of Northern Ireland's becoming a normal place to live, and it feeds disillusion with the peace process.
However, there are signs of movement on the political front. Gerry Adams, Sinn Féin president, floated the disbandment of the IRA earlier this month, if it would remove an obstacle to a deal with unionists concerned about the continuing existence of paramilitaries. He has also said that republicans could support the Northern Ireland police service once the reforms to democratise its control were completed - which the British government promises when a deal is done.
On the unionist side, Jeffrey Donaldson, whose opposition to the Good Friday agreement led him to defect from David Trimble's Ulster Unionists to the DUP, has made conciliatory moves. Mr Trimble was always constrained in negotiating with Sinn Féin by the threat of attack from the Democratic Unionists - a threat the DUP leadership does not have to worry about.
None of this makes reaching a deal easy. But the two sides have much to gain from putting the peace process back on track. The Democratic Unionists know their election victory can be translated into power only if the assembly is restored. Sinn Féin has gained great kudos from what followed the IRA ceasefire, but needs to complete the transition from the Armalite to the ballot box. For both, the Good Friday agreement remains the only show in town.
The Patriotic Studies discipline may properly be said to have begun with the work of Jennison et al., which first established the existence of the so-called “fluid-nations,” entities functionally identical to the more traditional geographically based nations (“geo-nations”), save for their lack of what the authors termed “spatial/geographic contiguity.” Citizenship in a fluid-nation was seen to be contingent not upon residence in some shared physical space (i.e., within “borders”) but, rather, upon commonly held “values, loyalties, and/or habitual patterns of behavior” seen to exist across geo-national borders.
The plan to build more than 2,000 new homes on land confiscated from Palestinians mocks the so-called road map to a final settlement endorsed by the international community. It confirms once again that Mr Sharon's intention to withdraw from Gaza is not a prelude to Palestinian statehood, but a tactical retreat in pursuit of his ambition to annex large swaths of the West Bank for a Greater Israel.
Mr Bush's rhetorical commitment to a two-state solution in the region - a secure Israel side-by-side with a viable Palestinian state - rings ever more hollow. Put the latest expansion of settlements alongside the security wall cutting into territory well beyond Israel's 1967 borders and the facts on the ground created by Mr Sharon ridicule the US administration's declared intent.
The rest of us are reminded again of how often Mr Sharon's intransigence has given Mr Arafat his excuse, and how the Palestinian leader's obstinacy has provided the Israeli prime minister with his justification.
So the dance has become a deathly shuffle. Both leaders may shrug off their present troubles. Who knows, perhaps one or other will fall. The certainty is that they lack the courage and vision to restart serious peace talks. Mr Sharon's claim is that he has greatly weakened the Palestinians; Mr Arafat's that he has survived every onslaught. In that, each has been the other's most important ally.
Realities, though, have not changed. Israel cannot achieve security by annexation; the Palestinians cannot demand self-government until they are ready to exercise power. Obvious enough, you might say. But first, tragically, we must wait for the music finally to stop.
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