Fukuyama finds that some Muslim countries are making the transition to economic prosperity and political democracy, and so suggests that the culprit is not Islam but "Arab political culture". But consider in this light the electoral victory of Hamas in occupied Palestine in January 2006 – a democratic formation that is being undermined by the European Union and the United States, those models of humanity's liberal democratic future. There are excuses, of course, but they remain excuses.But Fukuyama himself says in the afterward:
As Charles Taylor explains, liberalism cannot be completely even-handed toward different cultures, since it itself reflects certain cultural values and must reject alternative cultural groups that are themselves profoundly illiberal.I think the Hamas charter, which states that "Israel will rise and will remain erect until Islam eliminates it as it had eliminated its predecessors" and "There is no solution to the Palestinian problem except by Jihad. The initiatives, proposals and International Conferences are but a waste of time, an exercise in futility" fully qualify it as "profoundly illiberal".
He takes ideas seriously and he tries to see the big picture, and even if you think that he takes ideas too seriously, and that his pictures tend to be too big to help with the practical challenges of political decision-making in the here and now, his views on American policies and their implications deserve thoughtful attention. Such attention might begin, in the case of the present book, with the observation: No duh. It took Fukuyama until February, 2004, to realize that Charles Krauthammer, who has been saying basically the same thing since the end of the Cold War, is the intellectual cheerleader of a politics of American supremacy that appears to recognize no limit to its exercise of power? And that the Bush Administration, to the extent that it has any philosophical self-conception at all, operates on the basis of the crudest form of American exceptionalism? And that neoconservatism, whatever merits it once had as a corrective to liberal wishfulness and the amorality of realpolitik, long ago stiffened into a posture of reflexive moral belligerence about everything from foreign policy to literary criticism?I totally lol'd that one.
The finer things in life can generally be divided into two categories: material and experiential. Despite the relentless psychological barrage of advertising, most of us can readily admit that it is the experiential that is truly rewarding and fulfilling. Many even recognize their own predilection to fulfill their desire for the experiential by compensating with an excess of the material. Commercialism tells us that the experiential--that which requires time--is too costly, out of our reach. Our time, we are led to believe, must be sacrificed to meet the demands of the economy. But time is free for all of us. It is the great equalizer, something to which we all have equally random access. But in the modern economy, where average individuals cannot directly provide for themselves, they are duped into trading time for the basic necessities of life--necessities that are directly available to the poorest of the Earth. As this economic hierarchy has intensified over time, we continue to be duped into trading our time for material possessions--far beyond those required to survive. The memes of our economic culture have convinced us that the material is a fine substitute for the experiential. A nagging doubt, dissatisfaction with our own suburbanization, some unknown, unfulfilled yearning tells us that, despire the overtures of mass-media, even the materially rich among us still long for the experiential.posted by jefgodesky at 11:09 AM on May 8, 2006
« Older The Quentin Crisp Archives.... | evolution of cooperation... Newer »
This thread has been archived and is closed to new comments
I find Fukuyama's account problematic and too simplistic on a number of counts. For example, arguing against the possibility of a single, global and democratic governance, Fukiyama points out that:
Successful democracy depends in large measure on the existence of a genuine political community that agrees on certain basic shared values and institutions.
That the modern nation-state is still an embodiement of a cohesive political community is, to my mind, very debatable. Fukuyama does not explore the rapid disintegration of national (and other kinds of) political communities, particularly for the most affluent segments of some of the most "Western" nations -- in other words, the highest culminations of liberal values are already showing signs of self-destruction.
Although he touches on the issue of technology, he doesn't really explore (at least in this forward--I confess I haven't read the book) that technology is re-shaping the social realities on which liberalism and democracy depend.
To put it in slightly more Hegelian terms, it seems to me that "liberalism", in its most sophisticated instances, has been reavealing itself as containing its own negation in some as-yet incohate form, which will -- sooner or later, if not already -- unleash itself in some way that will make light of the notion of an "end of history".
posted by ori at 2:03 AM on May 8, 2006