The upshot is that we can statistically test whether the vast belief differences between economists and the public are just a byproduct of economists’ privileged circumstances, a rightwing orientation, or both. In other words, we can use the data to run a thought experiment: What would a person with average income, average job security, average party identification, average ideology, average everything, think if he had a PhD in economics? I call such a person a member of the “enlightened public”—someone who combines the circumstances of the layman with the knowledge of the expert.22No surprise the "enlightened public" agrees with the economists (look at the graphs), that is to say an economic PhD has a greater effect on people's views then race, economic stature or whatever. I would be silly to think otherwise, but I suppose he was worried about imaginary "liberal" foes who would say the opinions were class based. Most of the questions that the public gets wrong are simply "knowledge" questions that you would certainly hope economists would get right, and you would wouldn't expect people who don't follow the data to know. Some are political (like that there are too many immigrants)
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22) To estimate the beliefs of the enlightened public, I first regressed economic beliefs on respondents’ characteristics, including income, job security, income growth, sex, race, party identification, ideology, education, and “econ” (a dummy variable equal to 1 if the respondent is an economist, and 0 otherwise). Then, for each equation, I calculated the predicted belief assuming a respondent had the general public’s
average income, job security, income growth, sex, race, party identification, and ideology, combined with a PhD in economics. For more details, see Bryan Caplan, The Myth of the Rational Voter: Why Democracies Choose Bad Policies (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2007), pp. 84–93.
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posted by delmoi at 9:55 PM on June 1, 2007 [21 favorites]