"... SECRETARY RICE: I believe that Russia is a stable country, that it is a country that has the possibility of developing democratic processes and institutions in which people can express their aspirations and their views. It is not necessary to think of it as revolution, it's not necessary to think of it as anything to fear. It is important to recognize that Russia has been through a lot. I know that.In that 2005 interview, of course, Ms. Rice chose not to publicly discuss much about developments in Russia under Putin, as she was on a trip, ostensibly working to neutralize Russian opposition to possible U.S. moves against Iran. She made no mention of the resurgence of Russian nationalistic feeling that Putin managed as one lever of his rise to his current role, and that he had now made a part of Russian foreign policy.
I know that after the collapse of the Soviet Union, there was a very difficult time. I know, too, that the Russian people are still making adjustments to all of the new things that are happening around them, the market, the tremendous economic development. I know that there are hard tasks to be done outside of Moscow and outside of St. Petersburg.
So, I hope that the Russian people would know that America recognizes how much upheaval there has been in this country in the last several years. What we respect is the spirit of the Russian people, the entrepreneurial possibility of the Russian people, that this great culture and this great country has a very great future ahead of it. So we don't fear -- and I hope no one fears -- the future for Russia. I think the future for Russia can be very bright. ..."
"Putin's own comments on the possible introduction of legal sanctions for Russian citizens having too close ties with foreigners is also reminiscent of a state that does more than use the media to influence the opinion of its citizens and manipulate the outcome of elections. On 14 April he said:Putin has been pretty consistent in his views and methods since coming to power, and has skillfully maneuvered European diplomacy by subtle pressures exerted as Europe's chief energy supplier, while frustrating U.S. aims in the Middle East through support for the Iranian regime, among other policies. The results of his reign have been significantly higher energy prices for Russian oil and gas, much tighter management of Western capital flows into and out of Russia (with some stabilization of corruption attendant to such massive pools of private finance in a country with an embryonic banking and credit system), a debilitating, expensive conflict for the American government in Iraq (at very little direct cost to Russia), and a concomitant erosion of American diplomatic leadership in the West, to say nothing of the rest of the world. Internally, he has also done enough to suppress organized crime and hold back Chechnyan terrorism, to be recognized as effective by the developing Russian middle class."If the minister of foreign affairs is caught maintaining contacts with representatives of foreign states outside the framework of his official duties, he, like any other members of the government, deputies of the State Duma, heads of factions, and any other citizens of the Russian Federation, will be subject to certain procedures in line with the criminal law. And I must say that the recent actions the Federal Security Service have been taking demonstrate that this is quite possible."
This statement denotes a state that intensifies its control over its citizens and will play an intimidatory role if the leadership deems it necessary. For this reason it is likely that the internal security organs (the Interior Ministry, Federal Security Service, FAPSI, presidential guard service etc.) could play a more important role under Putin than they did under Yel'tsin. Putin has put much emphasis on fighting terrorism, and an anti-terrorist struggle could be used as a pretext for strengthening the coercive role of the state."
Вернулся главный принцип советской очереди: ненавидеть всех, кто впереди, и презирать всех, кто сзади. Страх убивает человечность быстрей всех иных пороков, он разъедает человеческое, как кислота, — вот почему в России почти не осталось человеческого. Казенного, службистского, кафкианского — очень много; но того, что делает жизнь жизнью, а страну страной, почти не осталось. Не за что цепляться — и странна эта безумная привязанность к стабильности, при которой сохраняется и умножается только худшее.He says that Kafka's fear came from the fact that he understood as a child that his father, and thus anyone, could do anything to him and no one would defend him: "That's a terrifying realization—that they can do anything to you. That there is no law, or mercy, or absolute authority, who would come right out and say loudly that WE DON'T ALLOW THAT."
Пожалуй, именно кафкианские аллюзии сейчас наиболее актуальны: Россия сегодня — очень кафкианская страна, вроде огромного «Замка». В Замке ведь тоже нет никаких репрессий — только зыбкая трясина всеобщего почтительного ужаса да соревнование в мерзости, дабы угодить мерзейшему Кламму.
The basic principle of the Soviet line has returned: hate everyone who's in front of you, and have contempt for everyone who's behind. Fear kills humaneness faster than all other vices, it corrodes what is human like acid—that's why almost nothing human is left in Russia. Of the bureaucratic and the Kafkaesque there is a great deal, but of what makes life life and a country a country, hardly anything remains. There is nothing to cling to—and it's strange, this crazed attachment to "stability," in which only the worst is preserved and multiplies.
It may well be that it's exactly allusions to Kafka that are most relevant: Russia today is a very Kafkaesque country, a kind of enormous Castle. In the Castle there are no repressions—only the shaky quagmire of a universal deferential terror and competition in vileness, so as to please the most vile Klamm.
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posted by everichon at 10:24 AM on November 24, 2007