"I've had several cases over the years in which the anti-abortion patient had rationalized in one way or another that her case was the only exception, but the one that really made an impression was the college senior who was the president of her campus Right-to-Life organization, meaning that she had worked very hard in that organization for several years. As I was completing her procedure, I asked what she planned to do about her high office in the RTL organization. Her response was a wide-eyed, 'You're not going to tell them, are you!?' When assured that I was not, she breathed a sigh of relief, explaining how important that position was to her and how she wouldn't want this to interfere with it." (Physician, Texas)Some women faced with the reality of choosing to terminate rather than carry go back out into the protest lines. Some learn from the experience, and recognize that the right to choose for oneself is ultimately the most important freedom one can have.
"... [A] misfortune could bring misery. The way out of the misery could bring tragedy. Women took that way out because the alternatives were impossible. Today people need to be reminded that the choice is not between legal abortion and the supposedly edifying effects of bringing up an unwanted child. The choice is between legal abortion and illegal abortion. To know something of what an illegal abortion was like, you didn't need to have seen a girl's corpse after an unsuccessful operation. All you needed to have seen was a girl's face on the a way to a successful one."posted by Grangousier at 2:56 AM on June 7, 2008 [6 favorites]
Clive James, Falling Towards England
... the leaders of the abortion criminalization movement have consistently put their political weight behind policies which make little or no sense if they genuinely think that abortion is identical to child murder. And those same leaders routinely endorse policies that make a lot of sense if their goal is to penalize women who have sex...posted by kirkaracha at 7:21 AM on June 7, 2008 [5 favorites]
Warnings that women should not take the product if pregnant because it was sure to produce miscarriage, a common disclaimer in nineteenth-century ads, were intended as not-so-subtle guarantees that the product was an abortifacient.This describes briefly how it was doctors seeking to improve their professional status and protect their income sources that initially pushed for abortion to be restricted by law.
By midcentury such products had become big business in America. During a single week in 1845, the Boston Daily Times advertised Madame Restell’s Female Pill, Madame Drunette’s Lunar Pills, Dr. Monroe’s French Periodical Pills, and Dr. Melveau’s Portuguese Female Pills. In addition to disingenuous warnings against taking the cure if pregnant, code words were also common. “Portuguese” pills signified an abortifacient while “French letter” or “French remedy” usually meant a contraceptive device, which was also illegal.
Despite the glossy ads, commercial abortifacients were as ineffectual and dangerous as the widespread homemade brews. But the high price—some Portuguese pills sold for five dollars a box—lured many retailers and even reputable pharmaceutical firms into the trade.
In largely secular western Europe, the average rate is 12 abortions per 1,000 women. In the more religious southern European countries, the average rate is 18. In the US, where church attendance is still higher, there are 23 abortions for every 1,000 women, the highest level in the rich world. In central and South America, where the Catholic church holds greatest sway, the rates are 25 and 33 respectively. In the very conservative societies of east Africa, it's 39.Also ironic is that abortion rates are lowest where abortion access is easiest.
my daughter, who is very prolife, and stuck to that when she found herself pregnant and unwedIf said daughter had received a full education, her chances of becoming pregnant out of wedlock would have been greatly reduced.
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posted by localhuman at 9:54 PM on June 6, 2008