As
Chicago prepares to join
other cities in marking
May Day with a
march and a
general strike, it is interesting to think about these actions in the context of
May Day's Chicago origins and
Chicago's role in labor history.Early-May strikes and rallies have a
significant place in Chicago labor history, starting with a
crippling week-long strike on May 2, 1867 to enforce Illinois' new eight-hour day law. Unfortunately, the strike was unsuccessful, and when it collapsed, Illinois' 8-hour law fell with it. However, it sparked a series of actions in support of the
Eight-hour Movement, which finally came to national fruition with the passage of the
Fair Labor Standards Act in 1938 as part of the New Deal.
On
May 1, 1887, Chicago workers again struck to demand an 8-hour day. The action grew over the days that followed until a rally on May 4 in
Haymarket Square turned tragically violent when someone hurled a bomb and a fire-fight erupted. Eleven died; many more were injured. Unable to find the bomber, the prosecution accused eight anarchists who were then convicted based solely on their writings and
without any evidence connecting them to the bomb. The falsely-accused were pardoned in 1893 by
Governor Altgeld... but only after four were hanged and a fifth committed suicide. Labor organizations commemorated Haymarket and the struggle for the eight-hour day on May 1, and celebrations of
May Day as a worker's holiday spread worldwide.
The idea of a general strike -- one that is not tied to any union in particular -- has other significant historical ties to Chicago. In 1905, the
Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) was founded in Chicago as "One Big Union" that sought to unite workers across different occupations. The concept of the general strike can be traced back to a
pamphlet by Stephen Naft that was published that year in Chicago, along with a
1933 pamphlet by IWW activist Ralph Chapin. The
general strike was promoted by the Wobblies as "not only the hope of Labor [but] the hope of the human race," and similar general strike tactics have been employed by
activists worldwide. While IWW membership has dwindled dramatically since the Red Scare, the IWW
remains active and has an
ongoing presence in Chicago.
Interestingly, while the
Chicago Spring flier mentions the parade and a large number of union locals as parade endorsers, it doesn't actually mention the
"general strike". This may be due to many of the endorsing union locals having
no-strike clauses in their contracts that prohibit them from officially participating in work-stoppages while their contract is active. By prohibiting sympathy strikes, no-strike clauses
hamper the ability of unions to act in solidarity with one another; some versions even go so far as to require union leaders to publicly discourage their members from participating on their own. As a result, widespread participation in a general strike by union members who have no-strike clauses would be a wild-cat action -- one that occurs without the support of their union's organizing structure. Since wildcat strikes are not a protected form of labor action under the
National Labor Relations Act, they are a
risky and significant action.
Wildcat strikes (which were illegal prior to the NLRA as well) also have a significant place in Chicago labor history, most notably with the
Pullman Strike that took place in on May 11, 1894, when nearly 4000 Pullman workers walked out -- without the authorization of their union -- in protest of wage cuts and
cost increases in the company-owned town. (
Ralph Chapin, the author of the 1933 IWW General Strike pamphlet linked above, cites his witnessing the Pullman Strike at the age of 7 as one of his influences.) Led by Eugene V. Debs, the
Pullman strike and boycott spread nationwide, and in early July President Cleveland brought in the US Marshals and Army troops to
break the strike. The strike-breaking succeeded -- despite
popular support for the strikers -- due in part to lack of cohesive union leadership (including the AFL's
refusal to support the strike) and to racial tensions that undermined labor solidarity. On the heels of the violent clashes between the troops and the railroad workers, President Cleveland made a symbolic gesture by declaring Labor Day a US federal holiday as the first Monday in September (leaving May 1 to be officially marked in the US as
Loyalty Day). Although the Supreme Court would later validate Cleveland's actions in
In Re Debs, the brutal strike-breaking cost Cleveland his bid for reelection when
Governor Altgeld (who was also responsible for pardoning the falsely-accused Haymarket anarchists) used his influence as leader of the Illinois delegation to the Democratic Party Convention to block Cleveland's nomination.
Today's planned protests continue this fight for economic justice, and will take place -- particularly here in Chicago -- amidst this rich history.
Happy May Day!
posted by TwelveTwo at 12:11 AM on May 1, 2012