Is the strong cultural focus on sex as a reproductive tool the reason masturbation and homosexual practices seem to be virtually unknown among the Aka and Ngandu? That isn't clear. But the Hewletts did find that their informants -- whom they knew well from years of field work -- "were not aware of these practices, did not have terms for them," and, in the case of the Aka, had a hard time even understanding about what the researchers were asking when they asked about homosexual behaviors. The Ngandu "were familiar with the concept" of homosexual behavior, "but no word existed for it and they said they did not know of any such relationships in or around the village. Men who had traveled to the capital, Bangui, said it existed in the city and was called 'PD' (French for par derriere or from behind)."Jesse Bering covers similar ground (with different details) in Slate - Does homosexuality exist in every human society?
... The finding with regard to homosexuality is perhaps not that surprising. As the Hewletts note, other researchers have documented cultures where homosexuality appears not to exist. If homosexual orientation has a genetic component to it -- and there is increasing evidence that it does, in many cases -- then it would not be surprising that this complex human trait (one that involves non-procreative efforts) would be found in some populations but not others.
Moreoever, sexual behavior -- whether homosexual, heterosexual, or any other type -- is never simply genetically determined in humans. Humans are born with sexual potentials that will manifest differently in different cultural settings. So, about heterosexuality, the Hewletts note that Western cultures' valuing of sleeping through the night probably limits Western heterosexual couples' interest in having sex multiple times between dusk and dawn. In our culture, the work we have to do by day may overtake "the work of the night."
It's also worth noting that Western science specifically distinguishes between three components of sexuality: desire, behavior, and identity. While the Hewletts' research suggests that homosexual behavior and identity are foreign to the Aka and Ngandu, it's entirely possible that homosexual desire does exist in these groups, at least for some of their members (so to speak). A culture that recognizes such desires -- and especially a culture that does not condemn them -- and especially one that involves large groups where homosexually-inclined people can find each other -- is the type where such desires will become openly apparent.
Short abstract: Broad claims about human psychology and behavior based on narrow samples from Western societies are regularly published in leading journals. Are such species‐generalizing claims justified? This review suggests not only that substantial variability in experimental results emerges across populations in basic domains, but that standard subjects are in fact rather unusual compared with the rest of the species—frequent outliers. The domains reviewed include visual perception, fairness, categorization, spatial cognition, memory, moral reasoning and self‐concepts. This review (1) indicates caution in addressing questions of human nature based on this thin slice of humanity, and (2) suggests that understanding human psychology will require tapping broader subject pools. We close by proposing ways to address these challenges.*Toronto Star - Why we're the weirdest people in the world
It's also worth noting that Western science specifically distinguishes between three components of sexuality: desire, behavior, and identity. While the Hewletts' research suggests that homosexual behavior and identity are foreign to the Aka and Ngandu, it's entirely possible that homosexual desire does exist in these groups, at least for some of their members (so to speak). A culture that recognizes such desires -- and especially a culture that does not condemn them -- and especially one that involves large groups where homosexually-inclined people can find each other -- is the type where such desires will become openly apparent.So what you have here is a little more nuanced than the reporter makes it out to seem in the first half of the article. The Hewletts aren't really saying that homosexuality doesn't exist in these cultures (at least according to the Western definition of sexually desiring those of one's own gender) but rather that the cultures they are studying simply don't have a conceptual framework for it and so it is therefore not something that is discussed or identified by members of those cultures.
When I put this to the Hewletts, they replied that indeed, the desire may exist in some individuals in these groups, but we simply do not know. They added that although the Aka and Ngandu live in small groups, "They travel extensively and our studies suggest each person knows about 400-500 individuals," which means that, theoretically, a person with homosexual desires might find another person with the same. But in a culture in which the general idea of a desire doesn't exist, such a desire might remain unarticulated, even if two people who share it find each other.
Informed consent in the local language was obtained from each individual. Confidentiality was emphasized.The Aka and Ngandu were very open and willing to talk to us about sexual behavior, but this was in part due to our long-term relationships in these communities.
Both Aka and Ngandu have frequent sex, in large part, because they feel that pregnancy and fetal development are linked to frequent sex. Frequent sex makes pregnancy more likely and enhances fetal development.
The Aka were the most emphatic on these points. One young Aka male said “I am now doing it five times a night to search for a child. If I do not do it five times my wife will not be happy because she wants children quickly.” Aka females had similar feelings as expressed by one woman “I had sex with him to get infants, not for pleasure, and to show that I loved him”. Another Aka woman said, “It is fun to have sex, but it is to look for a child.”
All Aka and Ngandu indicated that homosexuality (gay or lesbian) was unknown or rare. The Aka, in particular, had a difficult time understanding the concept and mechanics of same sex relationships. No word existed and it was necessary to repeatedly describe the sexual act. Some mentioned that sometimes children of the same sex (two boys or two girls) imitate parental sex while playing in camp and we have observed these playful interactions. Ngandu were familiar with the concept, but no word existed for it and they said they did not know of any such relationships in or around the village.
The lack of male or female homosexuality and masturbation surprised us. Existing human sexuality textbooks give the impression these are human universals, but it was a struggle to explain these behaviors to all Aka and most Ngandu. Sexual play is common in childhood (e.g., Aka children mimic adult intercourse in the middle of camp, and Ngandu children make human wooden puppets that have intercourse) and sexual activity is a frequent and open topic of conversation. The general egalitarianism and openness about sexuality gave us the impression that homosexuality and masturbation would be common or at least known to most people.It's certainly fair to question methods and conclusions in cultural anthropology. The history of cultural anthropology as a colonial practice is certainly a real one. But come on, guys. These are people working and publishing in 2012 and they've got a vested interest in doing good science. Anthropology has changed since Margaret Mead made up her data about sexual practices among Samoan girls. Before the castigation, look at some primary sources?
[T]he Hewletts conclude, "Homosexuality and masturbation are rare or nonexistent [in these two cultures], not because they are frowned upon or punished, but because they are not part of the cultural models of sexuality in either ethnic group.So... they're Iranians?
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posted by GenjiandProust at 8:33 AM on December 9, 2012 [15 favorites]