Torture and Truth and The Logic of Torture
June 4, 2004 12:49 PM Subscribe
Torture and Truth and
The Logic of Torture--Mark Danner writes about
Article 15-6 Investigation of the 800th Military Police Brigade (The Taguba Report) and
Report of the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) on the Treatment by the Coalition Forces of Prisoners of War and Other Protected Persons by the Geneva Conventions in Iraq During Arrest, Internment and Interrogation in the former and concludes thusly in the latter:
Behind the exotic brutality so painstakingly recorded in Abu Ghraib, and the multiple tangled plotlines that will be teased out in the coming weeks and months about responsibility, knowledge, and culpability, lies a simple truth, well known but not yet publicly admitted in Washington: that since the attacks of September 11, 2001, officials of the United States, at various locations around the world, from Bagram in Afghanistan to Guantanamo in Cuba to Abu Ghraib in Iraq, have been torturing prisoners. (More Within)
posted by y2karl (16 comments total)
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A central part of almost every Congo protest meeting was a slide show, comprising some sixty vivid photos of life under Leopold’s rule; half a dozen of them showed mutilated Africans or their cut-off hands. The pictures, ultimately seen in meetings and the press by millions of people, provided evidence that no propaganda could refute..
Similarly, Susan Sontag wrote Regarding the Torture of Others for the New York TImes, where recently Frank Rich also noted a new culture war meme being spun out of Abu Ghraib: It Was the Porn That Made Them Do It.
Or maybe, it's the intensely male culture of the military, aka The military's hazing hell.
Let it be noted here that sexual assaults In Army have risen by 25%, according to a study prompted by the Denver Post's recent Betrayal In The Ranks series.
Nor is this a recent phenomenom--as noted in the Miami Herald's Historians Looking at U.S. GIs After D-Day, a similar pattern occurred during the five months the U.S. Army occupied post-war France. In his book, The GIs' Hidden Face, Robert Lilly, criminology professor at Northern Kentucky University, estimates there were 3,620 rapes by U.S. soldiers in France from June 1944 to June 1945, based on military records he analyzed.
As for Abu Ghraib, and the so-called "bad apples," the story is not over:
Military Completed Death Certificates for 20 Prisoners Only After Months Passed
Abuse of Captives More Widespread, Says Army Survey
Army Investigates Wider Iraq Offenses
Abu Ghraib Inquiry Is Said to Focus on Head of Its Interrogation Center
The Abu Ghraib Scandal Cover-Up?
General Says Rumsfeld Reviews Guantanamo Methods and
Methods Used on 2 at Guantanamo would suggest there are a few more steps on the ladder of responsibility.
But this is old news, as Dana Priest and Barton Gellman noted in the December 27, 2002 edition of the Washington Post: US turns to torture to crack prisoners of war .
The oft since repeated money quote there is
At a joint hearing of the House and Senate intelligence committees in September, Cofer Black, then head of the CIA Counterterrorist Centre, spoke cryptically about the agency's new forms of "operational flexibility" in dealing with suspected terrorists. "All you need to know is that there was a before 9/11, and there was an after 9/11," Mr Black said. "After 9/11 the gloves come off."
Mark Bowden, author of Black Hawk Down, wrote of this in the Atlantic--The Dark Art of Interrogation and spoke of it in the accompanying interview, The Truth About Torture :
You conclude that "coercion should be banned but also quietly practiced," because legalized coercion, even when closely regulated, is the ultimate "slippery slope." Yet if coercion is officially banned, how will Americans come to a consensus about what kind of coercion is and isn't appropriate? It's hard to have a debate about something that officially doesn't happen.
Well, I think that part of the strategy here of the current Administration is not to have a debate on it--not to talk about it. And that's actually a very smart way of handling this. Because this is a realm where a certain amount of two-facedness is called for, unfortunately. I believe that it would be wrong to license all coercion, but by the same token, I believe that it would wrong not to practice it in certain cases. So I agree with Jessica Montell, the very articulate activist I interviewed in Israel, in saying that if the law bans torture, at least those people who are practicing coercion have to face the possibility of being held accountable for their actions. The law acts as a constraint on the use of coercion. But it's also unrealistic under the present circumstances to conclude that anybody is ever going to be brought to justice for violating the spirit of international agreements against torture.
As for those legal implications, there is Interrogation, Torture, the Constitution, and the Courts, where Joanne Mariner observes
In concluding last month that prisoners held on the Guantanamo naval base in Cuba have the right to challenge their detention in federal court, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit focused on the question of Guantanamo's legal status. Much of the court's long and scholarly opinion is taken up by a close examination of the terms of the 1903 lease agreement between the U.S. and Cuba, their meaning in Spanish, their interpretation in analogous treaties, and other fairly technical minutiae.
But a few phrases that lie near the end of the majority opinion grab the reader's attention. According to the government's stated position in the case, the detainees have absolutely no legal right to question U.S. actions on Guantanamo. Federal court jurisdiction should be foreclosed, government counsel insisted during oral argument before the Ninth Circuit, even if the plaintiffs were to claim that their captors were committing "acts of torture" on Guantanamo or were "summarily executing the detainees."
The government's assertion that torture and summary executions might be carried out without recourse to the law clearly shocked the court. Reminiscent of Argentina's "dirty war" or the Soviet Gulag, the notion of a legal vacuum in which abuses can be freely committed hardly squares with American constitutional traditions. Indeed, the court emphasized, "to our knowledge, prior to the current detention of prisoners at Guantanamo, the U.S. government has never before asserted such a grave and startling proposition."
But not to worry, as the American Forces Information Service perkily notes GITMO Yielding Valuable Intelligence in a Safe, Disciplined Environment !
And, for future reference, please consult the University Of Minnesota Human Rights Library, and, more especially, the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment, G.A. res. 39/46, [annex, 39 U.N. GAOR Supp. (No. 51) at 197, U.N. Doc. A/39/51 (1984)], entered into force June 26, 1987.
posted by y2karl at 12:51 PM on June 4, 2004