Gorbachev was at the meeting and, as Chernyayev wrote, he "listened, depressed and moved at the same time." But he was mostly silent. Only as he was leaving did he angrily strike out at Yeltsin and his supporters: "They ought to be punched in the face." But it was a moment in which he probably sensed that perestroika, his great historic project, was coming to an end.Into the dustbin of history with you, comrade! He reminds me of those well-meaning cabinet ministers who tried to save tsarism and then the Provisional Government, not realizing that the people were fed up and not willing to put up with their temporizing any more.
Gromyko had been the one to initiate the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in December 1979, even managing to implement the plan against the resistance of the military leadership, who believed it was unfeasible and pointless.Remind you of anything?
In October 1985, Gorbachev met secretly with Babrak Karmal, the General Secretary of the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan and the Russians' governor in Kabul. Gorbachev told Karmal that, beginning in the summer of 1986, he would be on his own when it came to warding off the mujahedeen. Karmal was taken completely by surprise. Convinced that Afghanistan represented a vital buffer zone for the Soviets along their southern border, he had not expected such a radical about-face.
Then Gorbachev took his plan to the Politburo. "We will do everything possible to withdraw from Afghanistan as quickly as possible," he told his comrades, "with or without Karmal."
That, though, was easier said than done.
Perhaps not surprisingly, a majority within the party leadership — as revealed by the Politburo minutes — suddenly began claiming to have seen from the start that the Afghanistan invasion was a risky adventure. But Gorbachev soon realized that there was also serious opposition to his plan for immediate withdrawal — and that the Afghans themselves were unwilling to accept the departure of Soviet troops...
Gorbachev's main concern was that the withdrawal be accomplished in an orderly fashion and that the United States and Pakistan not become involved. In other words, Gorbachev wanted to remain in control of the withdrawal. "The outcome must not look like a humiliating defeat. We have lost too many of our boys."
The decree dissolving the Duma [the ineffectual Russian Parliament] had been published [on Feb. 27, the crucial day of the February Revolution], and the Duma had answered with a refusal to disperse, and elected a Provisional Committee... But did [this] mean the adherence of the Duma to the revolution?... The most categorical 'no' must be the answer; the revolutionary act of the bourgeoisie as represented by the Progressive Bloc and the Duma majority was intended to save the dynasty and the plutocratic dictatorship from the democratic revolution—by the help of trivial rectifications of the old order devoid of any principled significance. [My emphasis.]For "the bourgeoisie as represented by the Progressive Bloc and the Duma majority" read "Gorbachev and his allies," and for "the dynasty and the plutocratic dictatorship" read "the nomenklatura and the Communist dictatorship." The ones on top can never see when it's time to let go.
Marxism as a system of political thought and a guide to political action is today dead where it once had its greatest vitality: in Central and Western Europe. This sweeping statement is not contradicted by the fact that in France and Italy Communist candidates are supported by approximately one-fourth of the voters; for those votes are cast not so much for Marxism as a political philosophy as against the social and economic status quo. And in Germany and Austria Marxism is an historic memory altogether. One needs only compare this state of affairs with the enormous intellectual ferment—largely sterile politically, it is true—which Marxism caused in that part of the world in the Twenties, and the faith in its intellectual and moral rightness and promise which it aroused in its followers—to realize its decline, as an intellectual, moral, and political force. One of my earliest and most vivid childhood recollections is of a visit I paid with my father, a doctor, to the house of a German workingman who was dying of cancer. "Doctor," the man said, "when I am dead, will you please see to it that this book is put in my coffin," and he pointed to a small volume lying on his night table. "Was this the Bible?" I asked my father after we had left. "No, it was his Bible," my father answered with a trace of acerbity in his voice, being as class conscious as his patient was. "It was The Communist Manifesto." Can one imagine a German workingman, East or West, uttering such a last wish today?
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posted by Artw at 8:12 AM on November 28, 2006