Appellants contend that their intent test must be discernible and manageable because it has been borrowed from our racial gerrymandering cases. See Miller v. Johnson, 515 U. S. 900 (1995); Shaw v. Reno, 509 U. S. 630 (1993). To begin with, in a very important respect that is not so. In the racial gerrymandering context, the predominant intent test has been applied to the challenged district in which the plaintiffs voted. See Miller, supra; United States v. Hays, 515 U. S. 737 (1995). Here, however, appellants do not assert that an apportionment fails their intent test if any single district does so. Since "it would be quixotic to attempt to bar state legislatures from considering politics as they redraw district lines," Brief for Appellants 3, appellants propose a test that is satisfied only when "partisan advantage was the predominant motivation behind the entire statewide plan," id., at 32 (emphasis added). Vague as the "predominant motivation" test might be when used to evaluate single districts, it all but evaporates when applied statewide.Also note that Scalia was writing for a plurality, and not a majority. Justice Kennedy concurred in the judgment, but did so in a separate opinion. Because Kennedy's opinion was necessary to achieve a majority of five votes, and because he concurred on narrower grounds, his opinion is arguably the only binding portion of the Court's pronouncement in Vieth. Justice Kennedy specifically notes that the Court was not addressing a racial gerrymandering case: "That courts can grant relief in districting cases where race is involved does not answer our need for fairness principles here. Those controversies implicate a different inquiry."
Finally, I do not understand the plurality to conclude that partisan gerrymandering that disfavors one party is permissible. Indeed, the Court seems to acknowledge it is not. See ante, at 23 ("We do not disagree with [the] judgment" that "partisan gerrymanders [are incompatible] with democratic principles"); ante, at 24 (noting that it is the case, and that the plurality opinion assumes it to be the case, that "an excessive injection of politics [in districting] is unlawful"). This is all the more reason to admit the possibility of later suits, while holding just that the parties have failed to prove, under our "well developed and familiar" standard, that these legislative classifications "reflec[t] no policy, but simply arbitrary and capricious action." Baker, 369 U. S., at 226.In any case, the redistricting scheme alleged here was not based on around voting patterns, as the plaintiffs in Vieth alleged. Instead, the plan Delay alleged was a classic racial gerry-mandering scheme, designed to break up strong minority districts in an effort to systematically disenfranchise black voters. Your spurious reference to Vieth notwithstanding.
March 7-30, 2001 Census 2000 Redistricting Data Summary FileMoreover (emphasis mine):
May 15, 2001 - June 7, 2001 Demographic Profile
(Note: Census tracts released June 13 -- August 22, 2001)
May 15, 2001 - June 7, 2001 Congressional District Demographic Profile
Same as profile described above but for Congressional Districts
May 31, 2001 Census 2000 Housing Unit Counts
June 27, 2001 Race and Hispanic or Latino Summary File
Amid the brouhaha over redistricting in Texas earlier this year, Representative Martin Frost's office requested that Library of Congress researchers investigate when the last mid-decade redistricting occurred. David Huckabee, specialist in American national government for the Congressional Research Service, wrote back that "there are no prohibitions for states to revisit the issue of redistricting during the decade following the census, but they appear not to have done so except in response to legal action during the past 50 years." In other words, actions like those undertaken by Texas Republicans have never in living memory been launched by either political party.
"There's been a gentlemen's agreement over time by both parties that you only do redistricting in a year ending in one," explains Representative Sherrod Brown, an Ohio Democrat. "If a party gains ascendancy later in the decade, it's unprecedented to do it at the next election."
Redistricting is Constitutionally required.
Fair enough, I was wrong that the census didn't come out until 2002. I looked to see where I got that impression and it was from the fact that there was no plan produced in 2001 by the Texas Legislature.So basically, every point you made up to, and including most of this post was "revisionist history".
I do not have perfect recollection of the timing, but I seem to remember that there was no plan in 2001 because there was too much opposition to bring it forward. In 2002, the plan was advanced and the Democrats fought it vehmently. At some point between 2002 and 2003, there was the act by Texas Democrats of leaving the state to avoid a vote.
Thus, though I was wrong about the census coming out in 2002 (it was the plan that I recalled did), the underlying point was salient: the redistricting which ultimately passed was the 2000 census redistricting. It was just delayed because they couldnt' get it done faster.
Of course, this entire timeline is all complicated by the fact that the Texas Legislature only meets every two years to consider new bills and has to go into special sessions to handle carry over business.
If you have a moral or political objection to them, fine. But if you want to make a legal argument, then don't be conclusory on topics which are way more nuanced than that.Where did I make a legal argument? I don't make legal arguments, Dios. Nice try squeezing me into a little box of your own creation though.
Edverb: It is unprecedented to redistrict in years not ending in "1", after each census.You simply made it up, to contradict an opposing fact! The fact is, TX had the data, it had come out, and redistricting is typically done in years ending in one.
Dios: This is incorrect. The 2000 census didn't even come out until 2002.
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The Supreme Court's questionable opinions in Reynolds v. Sims and Baker v. Carr forces redistricting to be complicated and not logical.
There is an easy method of determining whether redistricting is done correctly: challenge in federal court.
posted by dios at 8:25 AM on December 2, 2005