...Smith was no more a theorist and advocate of capitalism as an engine of "endless'' economic expansion than he was a theorist and advocate of "self-regulating'' markets. Contrary to widespread opinion, the idea that over time the accumulation of capital tends to drive down the rate of profit, eventually bringing economic expansion to an end, is not Marx's idea but Smith's. As we shall see in Chapter 3, Marx's own version of the "law'' of the tendency of the rate of profit to fall is in fact aimed at demonstrating that Smith's version is overly pessimistic about the long-term potential of capitalist development.'The Historical Sociology of Adam Smith', Chapter 3 of Giovanni Arrighi's Adam Smith in Beijing
In Smith's version of the "law,'' the tendency of the rate of profit to fall is the outcome of the increase in competition that inevitably accompanies the accumulation of an increasing mass of capital within established spheres of production and channels of trade.As capitals increase in any country, the profits which can be made by employing them necessarily diminish. It becomes gradually more and more difficult to find within the country a profitable method of employing any new capital. There arises in consequence a competition between different capitals, the owner of one endeavoring to get possession of that employment which is occupied by another. . . . [To this end, he] must not only sell what he deals in somewhat cheaper, but in order to get it to sell, he must sometimes too buy it dearer . . . [T]he profits which can be made by the use of a capital are in this manner diminished, as it were, at both ends.The opening up of new spheres of production and channels of trade can temporarily counter the tendency. But if there is freedom of entry (Smith's "perfect liberty'') the tendency inevitably resumes under the impact of renewed competition.The establishment of any new manufacture, of any new branch of commerce, or of any new practice in agriculture, is always a speculation, from which the projector promises himself extraordinary profits. These profits sometimes are very great, and sometimes, more frequently, perhaps are quite otherwise; but in general they bear no regular proportion to those of other old trades in the neighborhood. If the project succeeds, they are commonly at first very high. When the trade or practice becomes thoroughly established and well known, the competition reduces them to the level of other trades.This general level to which profits are reduced may be high or low depending on whether merchants and manufacturers are in a position to restrict entry into their spheres of operation through private agreements or through governmental regulation. If they are not in a position to do so, profits will fall as low as it is considered "tolerable'' in view of the risks involved in the employment of capital in trade and production. But, if they can restrict entry and keep the market undersupplied, profits will be significantly higher than their tolerable level. In the first case, the expansion of trade and production comes to an end because of low profits; in the second case, it is brought to an end by the inclination of merchants and manufacturers to keep the level of profits as high as possible. Either way, the economic process does not spontaneously generate any tendency to overcome the limits imposed on further economic growth by the fall in the rate of profit...
...For Smith, in other words, a fundamental task of governments is to ensure that capitalists compete with one another in reducing profits to the bare minimum necessary to compensate for the risks of investing resources in trade and production.
He [Kuznets] also grasped, more broadly, that the quality and importance of a function do not depend upon the amount of money paid for it–or whether any money was paid at all. The care of a mother and father is not inferior to that of a day-care worker just because they do not charge a price for their services. This recognition undercuts a basic assumption behind the GDP–namely, that the contribution of an activity can be gauged solely by its market price.I've been arguing forever now that the biggest problem in our contemporary understanding of economics is closely related to this: we now seem to think that markets actually set values, when in the past we all recognized intuitively that markets are mechanisms for capturing and reflecting real values in monetary terms. In other words, if a market works right, an apple should cost about what we think it should cost, what most of us would be willing to pay for an apple relative to all the other things we could buy. The more contemporary view seems to be that an apple is worth whatever the market's magical calculator say it is, and if people complain that the price for an apple is wrong, then they just don't understand how markets function.
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posted by autodidact at 7:24 AM on September 1, 2009 [2 favorites]